By Paul Ward
What does it suggest to be British? it really is now well-known that being British isn't really innate, static or everlasting, yet that nationwide identities inside of Britain are regularly built and reconstructed. Britishness due to the fact that 1870 examines this definition and redefinition of the British nationwide identification because the 1870s.
Paul Ward argues that British nationwide id is a resilient strength, and appears at how Britishness has tailored to altering circumstances.
Taking a thematic procedure, Britishness because 1870 examines the forces that experience contributed to a feeling of Britishness, and considers how Britishness has been mediated by way of different identities corresponding to classification, gender, sector, ethnicity and the feel of belonging to England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland.
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Extra resources for Britishness since 1870
With furniture in our homes and desks in our classrooms, surely we were very fortunate! 76 Perhaps the greatest potential division in British society since the 1870s has been that of class, and here too monarchy and Empire can be seen as integrative. 77 But the monarchy also played a role in bringing the middle class to the centre of society. In the early nineteenth century the monarch had been head of Society, that is the exclusive aristocratic social circle centred on London, but the family of Victoria and Albert played at being middle class and certainly displayed middle-class values.
The most noticeable way in which this occurs is in the construction of ceremonial and ritual and the celebration of these by the populace. There is therefore a dialogue occurring between the monarchy and its subjects. The monarch performs in the public arena, and the people, by acting as a willing audience, by actively participating in the spectacle, ensure the continued centrality of the monarch to the nation but also seek to ascribe values to the nation. 26 Cannadine has described how ‘Between the late 1870s and 1914 .
Twice what Italy does on defence. 122 The supposed opponents of this class shared many of the same assumptions. The progressive critiques of Britain’s ‘archaic’ social structure in the 1960s, which was blamed for Britain’s decline, often referred back to the glory days of Empire. 123 A further area of debate emerges in the discussion of the impact of the end of Empire on the emergence of nationalisms in Scotland and Wales. 124 Robbins, on the other hand, has argued that while the two developments coincided, this was coincidence indeed.