By John B. Williamson
ISBN-10: 0195068599
ISBN-13: 9780195068597
ISBN-10: 1423764471
ISBN-13: 9781423764472
This paintings makes broad use of 7 well-developed ancient case reviews describing the evolution of public old-age protection in commercial international locations (Germany, uk, Sweden, and the U.S.) and constructing international locations (Brazil, Nigeria, and India). The authors specialize in specifying contexts within which common theoretical views can be utilized to account for those advancements. one of many few reviews which integrates ancient and quantitative information, this obtainable paintings will end up necessary to scholars and researchers of the welfare country, getting older coverage, and comparative sociology.
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66-67; Alber 1988, p. 5), Thus at the time when Germany's original social insurance legislation was enacted, industrial Germany 25 workers still constituted a minority of the labor force, but this segment was expanding rapidly. The growth in the number of industrial workers contributed to the rise of an industrial working class and a Social Democratic Party that was viewed as representing the interests of workers. The rise of the industrial working class and particularly its support for the Social Democratic Party was perceived by Bismarck as a threat to both the traditional Junker elite and the new industrial elite (Dawson 1912).
224). The support for increasing old-age pension levels has been so pervasive during the postwar era that it would be very difficult to make the case that these increases represent victories for labor unions or the SPD. While these groups did support increases, the support was much broader with much of the increase and many important liberalizing reforms coming during periods when the CDU were in power and thus in a particularly strong position to influence policy. The pension reforms of 1957 and 1972, as with all major public pension legislation during the postwar period, were the products of grand coalitions.
The DGB with its federated structure was much more acceptable to the Allied powers (Markovitz 1986, p. 65). Instead of being organized as socialist, liberal, and Christian unions as during the Weimar era, they were reconstituted as nonsectarian unions. They were to be independent of political parties and not to overtly support or enter into agreements with any party. While the relationship between the DGB and Social Democrats (SPD) has been much closer than that between the DGB and the Christian Democrats (CDU), the inability to form overt political alliances with a party has been a factor limiting the power of the unions (Markovitz 1986, pp.