By Jeanne Flavin
The serious policing of women’s reproductive ability locations women’s overall healthiness and human rights in nice peril. bad girls are careworn to suffer sterilization. ladies hooked on illicit medicines danger arrest for sporting their pregnancies to time period. Courts, baby welfare, and legislation enforcement corporations fail to acknowledge the efforts of battered and incarcerated girls to deal with their young children. Pregnant inmates are topic to inhumane practices similar to shackling in the course of hard work and bad prenatal care. And many years after Roe, the criminalization of sure approaches and legislation of abortion prone nonetheless hinder women’s entry to secure and personal abortions.
In this significant paintings, Jeanne Flavin seems past abortion to rfile how the legislations and the felony justice process police women’s rights to conceive, to be pregnant, and to elevate their childrens. via shiny and tense case reports, Flavin exhibits how the country seeks to set up what a “good girl” and “fit mom” may still appear like and whose copy is valued. With a stirring end that demands broad-based measures that advance women’s financial place , choice-making, autonomy, sexual freedom, and wellbeing and fitness care, bodies, Our Crimes is a conflict cry for all ladies of their struggle to be absolutely well-known as humans. At its center, this e-book is set the best of a lady to be a fit and valued member of society autonomous of the way or no matter if she reproduces.
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Additional resources for Our Bodies, Our Crimes: The Policing of Women’s Reproduction in America
Sample text
63 Even now, abortion rights activists frequently cite rape and incest in their appeals to keep abortion legal and challenge parental notification laws. For example, in 1989, President George H. W. Bush vetoed a federal spending bill that provided for Medicaid-covered abortions in case of rape or incest. In an ultimately unsuccessful effort to secure a congressional override of the veto, pro-abortion lobbyists and lawmakers did not argue that the veto undermined women’s reproductive rights. Rather, they contrasted the evilness of rapists with the innocence of rape victims.
Citing economic grounds to justify no-procreation orders is part of a legacy of concern about the intergenerational transmission of pauperism. Margaret Sanger infamously asked nearly a century ago, “The offspring of one feebleminded man named Jukes has cost the public in one way or another $1,300,000 in seventy-five years. ”78 Economic arguments ignore the fact that welfare programs do not drain government budgets. 79 TANF/welfare benefits are limited to a maximum of five years in a lifetime and are quite stingy.
2 billion in tax breaks;83 82 of these companies paid no taxes in at least one of the years examined. Setting aside social justice arguments, from an economic point of view, investing in mothers and their children makes good sense. Providing meaningful social support would strengthen their long-term ability to contribute to society or at least would reduce any burden they present. 84 Public expenses are lower because children will fail fewer grades and are less likely to require special education.